This post is an addendum to the launch of the Consent Report Tracker, which you can read all about here. As I was testing different ways to process and organize the publicly available data, I came across two things that deserve their own corner of the discussion. One is very difficult to fix, the other should be relatively easy.
First: A Structural Problem with Calling Things “Special Education”
It's no secret that expenses classified as "Special Education"1 (SpEd for short) make up a large piece of OUSD's budget. In the consent reports alone, they're about a quarter of all the spending the tracker has counted since 2019.2 I plan to do a deep-dive on this in a future post, but for now I want to point out something that's plain to see in this data: the category has so many components that the term is almost meaningless in its current state.
Most district spending isn't filed under one catch-all label like "General Education." "Special Education" is. It lumps everyday kinds of support that would go unnoticed anywhere else, like staff to cover leaves and vacancies, mental health staff at schools, and transportation for students attending school far from their neighborhoods,3 in with the supports that are unique to students with particular disability-related needs.
So the number looks big because we set aside and label everything that touches a child with an IEP as "Special Education." We don't take the time to understand exactly what's being provided, how it connects to what's provided as "General Education," or why it's being done through contracts with private entities.
That one number ends up looking so large that it gets weaponized by people who believe funds are being badly mismanaged. The discussion is center-stage right now, while the district is planning to put $14.7 million less from its general fund toward "Special Education" this year,4 and with a school board election less than a month away.5
"Special Education" items are both supremely important and the worst-tracked spending in this data. The biggest share goes to contracts with nonpublic schools and agencies, and the official text for most of them says little more than "to provide Special Education services."6 I've sorted it into sub-categories as best I can, but the public record is infuriatingly opaque, and there are very few clean lines between what's called "Special Education" and "General Education." Please read any SpEd number with that in mind. We can't have real accountability without improving the way we classify and track these things, and it's more or less impossible to do under the current system.
Then: Grace for Human Error
While using AI to calculate actual numbers from the text, I found ten (largely minor) discrepancies between the public record and the contracts it describes.7 I couldn't work out why they were there from what's public, so I compiled them into a letter to the Board of Education's staff, which I've posted publicly here.
A few are concerning, but none of it points to impropriety in my reading; it all looks like normal human typographical error. Still, the public record is important, so I'm passing it all along as a friendly request to fix it up when there's time.
Legistar is a strange, borderline-unusable beast, but it's our beast, so we gotta tend to it as best we can!
Footnotes
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I'm putting "Special Education" in quotes on purpose throughout this post. The term is distressingly ambiguous: it covers everything from full-time placements in private schools to staff who fill in for teachers on leave, and I don't want to write about it as if it names one clear thing. ↩
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Since August 2019, "Special Education" accounts for about $518 million of the $2.02 billion (25.6%) in consent-report spending the tracker counts; in the 2025-26 school year it was $96.7 million of $425.8 million (22.7%). These are not-to-exceed amounts from each item's official text, read by AI and counted by the tracker's rules (how money is counted). About 84% of the "Special Education" total is contracts with nonpublic schools and agencies, and those are two very different things. A nonpublic school (NPS) is a state-certified private school where the district places a student full time, sometimes residentially, when it can't meet that student's needs in its own schools. A nonpublic agency (NPA) provides services like speech, occupational or behavioral therapy to students who stay in district schools. But the public record rarely says which kind of provider a contract is with, so it's almost impossible to tell how that money divides between the two (see note 6). ↩
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A few examples filed as "Special Education": up to $114,500 for HTF Staffing to provide special education teachers "to cover leaves and vacancies"; up to $3.1 million for Essential School Solutions for mental health staff at two schools; and, from the pandemic, $266,000 for Procare Therapy nursing assistants supporting COVID testing. ↩
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The June 24, 2026 "Financial Stabilization Plan" presentation to the Board lists "Reduce the special education contribution by 10%" at $14.7 million. That's a cut to what the unrestricted general fund contributes to "Special Education," roughly $146 million a year per Deputy Superintendent Tara Gard ("OUSD cut its deficit by two-thirds, but a $38M gap remains", The Oaklandside, June 11, 2026), not to the "Special Education" budget as a whole. I went through it in more detail in A New Year at OUSD. ↩
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Board seats for Districts 2, 4 and 6 are on the November 3, 2026 ballot (Oakland City Clerk, qualified candidate list). ↩
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Of the 162 nonpublic school and agency items since 2019, at least 94 share the same state-template title ("Nonpublic, Nonsectarian School/Agency Services Master Contract") and nearly identical text: a not-to-exceed amount "to provide Special Education services, stated in Agreement, required by a student's Individualized Education Program." The text doesn't say which services, for how many students, or even whether the provider is a school or a service agency; those details live, if anywhere, in the attached contracts. The nonpublic school and agency sub-category as a whole accounts for about $432 million. ↩
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For example, a 2024 amendment with TutorMe Education adds $420,000 to a $540,000 contract, which is $960,000, but the official text gives a new total of $940,000; the amendment itself repeats the same figures, so I can't tell which number is wrong. Others are as small as a misplaced comma ("$447,00.00"). ↩